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Rethinking
Islamist Terrorism
Dan
Yankelovich
Participant
This conference is directed toward finding an alternative approach to
the war on terrorism, a way to curb Islamist violence. We have in the
Palestinian/Israeli conflict a long history of efforts to quell such violence.
More than half a century of experience now. And in many ways it is comparable
to our own situation--a powerful nation facing angry bands of primitively
armed resistors, unable through military action to solve the crises. The
persistent call is for the Palestinians to give up suicide bombing and
the Israelis to dismantle the encroaching settlements. Neither side will
budge. Is there, in Don's terms, a NEW SOLUTION possible? Is there in
Dan's writing the key to a new strategy appropriate to that situation?
Or is that situation off limits, for the reasons I have cited earlier,
as an example we might work with? I appreciate the important difference,
that the Palestinian/Israeli struggle is less religious than a fight over
territory and residence rights, but are the similarities strong enough
to give us food for thought?
During the cold war, the late psychologist
Charles Osgood, a former Fellow of WBSI, advanced a conflict resolution
strategy that involved one party taking small, graduated unilateral steps,
one at a time, indicating some disarmament and calling for a matching
step from the opposing side. The twist was, as I recall, that even without
reciprocation, a next small step would be taken unilaterally, expecting
that an accumulation of such steps would eventuate in the other side reciprocating.
We tested that strategy through interaction simulation gaming in the laboratory
with successful results, but it was never adopted by the Joint Chiefs.
Now leaders here and in Israel are calling
for Sharon to take such a unilateral move by dismantling some of the settlements
before requiring the suicide bombing to cease. Recent moves by the Israeli
leadership don't seem to be creating a climate for such an action, but
heightened tensions actually make such a move more dramatic.
Participant
Front running Democratic candidate Howard Dean is being beaten up for
his remark in the recent debate suggesting that if we are going to be
able to broker a peace in the Israel/Palestinian conflict we have to be
even handed. Although he has recruited seven times as many contributors
as his closest rival, some think this remark will be his undoing.
I rest my case.
Participant
In Comment #114, Richard asks "Does anyone think that the Islamists can
be dealt with without first dealing differently with Israel?" In #116
he states his belief that our "continuing one-side support of Israel"
has actually worsened matters for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. What
do others see as the relationship between what is happening in Israel
and Islamist terrorism?
Participant
A friend asked me, "How would we react if the leadership of the Palestinian
Authority decided that in order to pursue a reasonable peace settlement
it would be necessary to assassinate Sharon?"
Participant
Coming into this rich conversation after a too-long absence, I'd like
to (1) express my agreement with Dick's comment that "war on terrorism"
was a foolish way to frame the present situation -- if we could have approached
it as an effort to bring more peace, security and rule of law into the
world we could have accomplished much, much more -- and (2) advance for
your consideration the thought that there is only one kind of social order
that is going to work in the 21st century, and that is pluralism. Sure,
it can be defined many ways. But the idea that nations should be composed
of culturally and ethnically coherent peoples -- the rock on which Israel
was founded and Osama bin Laden hopes to build a new Islamic society --
just isn't going to work any more.
Participant
Walter: does your 132 suggest that democracy is not a viable form of government
in this century?
My answers to this question would be yes,
unless we make some fundamental changes in in how we practice democracy.
Most of us have made suggestions for this in our long record above. It
would be interesting to pluck them from this record if there was a mechanical
way to do it.
An even more interesting answer would be
some new theory for a viable form of government to meet the new conditions.
Participant
Walt, there is some developing interest among people on both sides of
the Israeli/Palestinian divide that perhaps it may be wisest to create
one nation that would give full citizenship to all cultures. Many Muslims
now live permanently in Israel, without the vote, and they will eventually
outnumber the Jews. Adding the refugees would make it an overwhelmingly
large group. Yet, there is still some interest. That would transform it
from a purely Jewish state, and what amounts to a theocracy, into the
multicultural state you were describing. Think that is viable?
Participant
I certainly wouldn't want to deny that multicultural and democratic states
are subject to great stresses if there are strongly self-identified ethnic
and religious groups within them. I think I previously referred to Fareed
Zakaria's book The Future of Freedom, which makes a persuasive case that
mere democracy -- having elected officials -- isn't enough. You also have
to have recognition of the rights of minorities, and that's much harder
to achieve and maintain. But without it, you are in danger of having a
dictatorship of the majority, which is a very real possible outcome in
Iraq.
Participant
And in response to Dick's question about Israel/Palestine: I do think
a one-state solution would work if it were a democracy with rule of law
and protection of rights of minorities. Achieving it would be dicey, of
course, but the present situation is such a bloody disaster that it would
be well worth the effort.
Participant
Walt, in Comment #132 you advanced the thought that "there is only one
kind of social order that is going to work in the 21st century, and that
is pluralism." You discussed this briefly in regard to Israel/Palestine.
Could you expand a bit more on why you see this as the case in general?
And how we could get there from where we are today?
Participant
The reason all social orders must be pluralistic is that it is simply
not possible to maintain ethnically and culturally homogenous ones. People
move around, ideas move around, ethnic and cultural labels don't fit everybody.
There are always minority sects, dissident movements, and minority ethnic
groups. There are conflicts between generations, between political factions,
between fundamentalists and revisionists. There are women, gays, scientists,
rockers, computer geeks, and endless new subcultures that stretch across
all boundaries and are often at odds with orthodox beliefs. The idea of
a cozy little bunch of people who run their own country is a myth, and
a dangerous one. It's powerful -- it defines what Israel is afraid of
losing, and what Palestine desperately wants, and politicians are afraid
to challenge it.
Participant
Walt, we have two major trouble spots right now, Iraq and Israel. In the
case of Iraq, we have a nation attempting to embrace pluralism, and in
Israel we have a nation attempting to be culturally homogeneous. Taking
your general thinking to the next step of designing structural solutions
to the difficulties in those countries, could you give us an idea of what
you might say to Sharon or Bush about the structural implications of your
theories? Wouldn't those structural concepts be important to Dan as he
tries to find alternatives to our "war on terror"? (I always think we
should first try to fix situations before we try the much harder job of
fixing people).
Participant
Dick, I think your depiction of Israel as a nation dedicated to cultural
homogeneity is correct -- that was its very founding premise -- but I
don't know how deep the urge for pluralism goes in Iraq. In fact it's
quite apparent that different factions have different ideas about that
-- the Kurds want small-scale homogeneity and some degree of self-rule,
some Shia leaders appear to be after a semi-democratic theocracy a la
Iran. I think a firm and clearly-enunciated US policy favoring pluralistic
democracy must be the basis for weaving through these tangles and also
taking a real and constructive role of global leadership. In short, we
need to get Wilsonian.
In regard to Israel the situation is more
difficult because the US supported its creation and has been strongly
allied with it ever since without really challenging those founding assumptions.
The one-nation idea you mentioned is worth bringing much more into the
public dialogue, but we have to recognize that it's politically explosive
and no high-level US official or presidential candidate that I know of
would be willing to be associated with it. It's an idea whose time has
not yet come, even though the old idea of nationhood that remains in place
is not working very well anywhere.
Participant
Walter: Would you be a little more explicit in your suggestion that we
need to "get Wilsonian".
If we had lots of time, enough money, and
the personnel to lead the process -- and by this I mean a generation or
two of all three requirements -- I could understand better how we might
be able lead the Iraqis into some sort of democracy. I believe that, by
definition, a democracy that will continue without in effect becoming
a colony, cannot be imposed. If you disagree, please tell me where I am
wrong.
Participant
Morton Kondrake in his column today said that because of the remarks Dean
made about the need to be "even handed" in our dealings with the Israelis
and Palestinians, and the failure of the other candidates (except for
Lieberman) to step on him for that, top leaders of Jewish organizations
are suggesting that many Jewish Democrats may switch to Bush, giving him
as much as 40% of the Jewish vote. This, even though Dean's wife is Jewish
and their children are being raised in the Jewish faith.
So, Walt, you are surely right that your
suggestion couldn't be discussed by any politician in America.
Participant
Don, by "being Wilsonian" I mean taking a position of world leadership
that is based on a vision -- in Wilson's case, the "triad" of disarmament,
democracy and free trade, based on strong international organizations
-- that appeals to people everywhere and does not simply cast the US in
the role of unilateral bully.
I can't say you're wrong about Iraq. I just
think it is worth the effort to make democracy work there. I also think
that should be an effort in which many nations and organizations -- NGOs,
the UN, etc. -- participate.
Dick, I have a lot of Jewish friends -- and
I'm sure you do too -- who abhor some of Israel's actions toward Palestine.
Participant
Many Jewish friends, of course. And many oppose Sharon. But the problem
is just as difficult for them as for the rest of us. Nobody, Jewish or
not, can wade into the politics of US/Israel relations, and expect to
be elected to office, or even honored in the community. Wesley Clark (an
old WBSI member, by the way), whose father was Jewish, may run into the
same problem Howard Dean did if he doesn't watch his step. He may think
his Jewish heritage will insulate him, but he would be mistaken.
To truly examine in any public way our relationship
to Israel is curtains for any politician, and for that reason the US is
unable to rein in Israel, even when its actions are reprehensible. By
our non-existent or tepid responses to the atrocities, we give tacit approval.
This makes a mockery of a "war on terrorism", because we can't begin to
address the central reason the Middle East is angry with us. We are not
even addressing it in this conference, which purports to be an effort
to think this situation through. Our national leaders say the Middle Easterners
hate us for our freedom, and never mention what the Muslims, including
bin Laden, explicitly give as their reason--our one-sided support of Israel.
And the anger toward us on this issue is not limited to the Middle East,
but is strong in many other parts of the world, especially Europe. In
our interview with British anthropologist Mary Douglas, she avoided this
subject until the very end, and even then was so reluctant to mention
it that she almost didn't address at all the issue that was all along
at the front of her mind--her disagreement with our automatic support
for Israel.
The trouble this has caused us is not limited
to the terrorism directed against us, but has a history going back generations,
and is one of the reasons our relations with the UN have been so strained
and difficult. Without debate of any kind, our policy is determined by
a small minority of our citizenry, who hold over our heads the atom bomb
of accusations--anti-Semitism.
Our leaders are quite willing to link 9/11
to Saddam, where there was no connection, but totally unwilling to link
9/11 with our foreign policy respecting Israel, where there is a very
real connection.
Participant
These days, Walt, "being Wilsonian" is a pejorative term.
Participant
Wilson had his personal and political faults, certainly, and I think people
tend to look back on him as a somewhat foolish character. But he had a
vision for the world, and he projected an image of America that was more
than just: You're either with us or against us. We need some of that.
Participant
Agreed. I think he is seen as foolish now by some for thinking there could
be a successful international body to handle disputes.
Participant
In the eighteen months between the time Netanyahu was defeated by Barak
and the Camp David meetings with Clinton there was not one suicide bombing.
When the US plays a more "evenhanded" role, both parties move closer to
peace. That relatively optimistic mood was broken when Sharon went to
the sacred Temple Mount with a thousand armed police and military. That
act provoked Intifada II, and it has been downhill ever since. His leadership
has worsened the situation day by day. Everything our leaders have done
in the past three years only legitimized or actually supported his militant
posture. Shouldn't we be dealing with these rather significant issues
as we discuss a strategy to reduce terrorism?
Participant
I'd like to join Walt in defending Woodrow Wilson's "vision thing."
There's no doubt that his idealism skewed
his political judgment, both in dealing with the European "realists" of
his day and in not bringing along that "little band of wilful men" in
the US Senate who torpedoed US membership in the League of Nations. Moreover,
we have learned in the intervening 70+ years that "self-determination
of nations" leads away from the lesson US history could have taught (and
could yet teach) the world about the virtues of in-country pluralism.
Nevertheless Wilson launched and popularized
some ideas that eventually contributed to the abolition of colonialism
-- and became part of the international human-rights doctrines which I
once described as "the first superstar in the history of political philosophy."
Not so bad for a guy who started as a Princeton professor of public administration!
Participant
Harlan, you Princeton public administration alums always stick together!!
Actually, Wilson is one of my heroes. I just mentioned that his name is
now used in a pejorative way to those who desire international organizations.
Participant
ILF colleagues: I have been asked to write a longish article to serve
as a lead piece for a forthcoming (Oct 9) issue of WorldPaper, which is
edited in Boston but published as a newspaper supplement "in eight languages
on five continents" -- and also distributed as a computer newsletter.
The theme is "Who's Winning the War on Terrorism?"
I didn't pick the theme, and will probably want to argue with the question.
I'm reviewing all the comments in this Conference, and a lot of other
current commentary besides. I would greatly value any suggestions any
of you may have that help answer, or at least torture, the title question.
I need to have drafted my article by the
end of this month at the latest -- so any input from ILF Fellows would
be especially valuable by the end of this week.
The news of each day seems to complicate
the question further -- so I'm not looking for THE answer, but rather
for insights you think would be helpful in writing about this subject
for a worldwide non-American audience.
Thanks in advance........Harlan.
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